specifically on the influence of the father’s occupation or educational level, the impact of family background on educational attainment continuously weakened from the 1940s to the 1970s, reaching its lowest point in the 1970s. However, a turning point occurred afterward, with the influence of family background on educational attainment increasing significantly in the 1980s and the 1990s, reaching its highest point in the next 50 years. Li then analyzed the impact of three types of family capital （economic, cultural, and social capital） on children’s educational attainment during the planned economy period. The study found that, due to China’s unique political stratification, political capital （i.e., family class background） played a crucial role in determining children’s educational opportunities, even more so than economic and cultural capital. Furthermore, the influence of political capital has varied across historical periods. Specifically, among those born between 1931 and 1940, the lower the family’s political capital, the more educational opportunities it received, whereas higher political capital resulted in fewer educational opportunities. By the 1950s, the influence of political capital on educational opportunities had diminished, with educational opportunities expanding for children, regardless of their family’s political capital. However, in the 1960s and the 1970s, political capital once again had a positive effect on educational opportunities, with higher family political capital correlating with fewer educational opportunities for children, and vice versa.Most previous studies have used data analyses to examine the impact of family background （including parents’ economic, cultural, social, and political capital） on children’s educational opportunities. A summary of these studies reveals that the relationship between family background and children’s educational opportunities in China during the planned economy period differed from that in industrialized Western countries. In just 30 years, this relationship was highly variable and sometimes completely reversed （as seen in the 1960s and the 1970s）. This indicates the significant influence of state policies on educational opportunities and individual educational choices in China during the planned economic period.During the period of the planned economy marked by intense social upheaval （1949-1977）, how did state policies influence families’ educational choices? Particularly during the Cultural Revolution （1966-1977）, how did people perceive the state policies of that time, and how did they make educational decisions for their children? These questions can only be addressed through qualitative research.Most life history research has employed quantitative analysis methods （Zhou Xueguang, 2004; Li Qiang, 1999） to reveal the basic patterns of educational choices among different social strata during the planned economic period in China. However, it should be noted that while quantitative research can clarify the basic paradigms of action, it often overlooks individual differences within groups and fails to adequately explain the reasons and motivations behind individuals’ educational choices. C. Wright Mills, the author of The Sociological Imagination, pointed out that sociological imagination, as a mental quality, is the ability to connect personal experiences with social and historical processes and elevate personal troubles to the level of public issues. Therefore, individual life courses and experiences The Family Status Achievement and Educational Strategies during The Planned Economy era （1949-1978） in China: Focusing on the Life History Analysis of the Chinese Born between 1949 and 197845
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